The aims were to assess the impact of a total smoking ban on the level of airborne contaminants and the urinary cotinine levels in the employees in bars and restaurants. In a follow up design, 13 bars and restaurants were visited before and after the implementation of a smoking ban. Ninety-three employees in the establishments were initially included into the study. The arithmetic mean concentration of nicotine and total dust declined from 28.3 microg m(-3) (range, 0.4-88.0) and 262 microg m(-3) (range, 52-662), respectively, to 0.6 microg m(-3) (range, not detected-3.7) and 77 microg m(-3) (range, not detected-261) after the smoking ban. The Pearson correlation coefficient between airborne nicotine and total dust was 0.86 (p
To estimate the effect on violence of small changes in closing hours for on-premise alcohol sales, and to assess whether a possible effect is symmetrical.
A quasi-experimental design drawing on data from 18 Norwegian cities that have changed (extended or restricted) the closing hours for on-premise alcohol sales. All changes were = 2 hours.
Closing hours were measured in terms of the latest permitted hour of on-premise trading, ranging from 1 a.m. to 3 a.m. The outcome measure comprised police-reported assaults that occurred in the city centre between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. at weekends. Assaults outside the city centre during the same time window should not be affected by changes in closing hours but function as a proxy for potential confounders, and was thus included as a control variable. The data spanned the period Q1 2000-Q3 2010, yielding 774 observations.
Outcomes from main analyses suggested that each 1-hour extension of closing hours was associated with a statistically significant increase of 4.8 assaults (95% CI 2.60, 6.99) per 100,000 inhabitants per quarter (i.e. an increase of about 16%). Findings indicate that the effect is symmetrical. These findings were consistent across three different modelling techniques.
In Norway, each additional 1-hour extension to the opening times of premises selling alcohol is associated with a 16% increase in violent crime.
To assess the impact of the 1976 Tobacco Control Act (TCA) on smoking initiation across socioeconomic groups.
Nationwide data from independent annual cross-sectional postal surveys in 1978-2002 in Finland. Subjects were 25-64-year-old men and women born 1926-1975 (n=68 071). Socioeconomic status was derived individually from population census data. Logistic regression was applied to assess the impact of the 1976 TCA on the prevalence of ever daily smoking in birth cohorts and socioeconomic groups.
Clear socioeconomic differences in ever daily smoking among men and women were found. In all socioeconomic groups a declining cohort trend was observed among men whereas women showed an increasing trend in early cohorts and a declining one thereafter. A statistically significant decline in the proportion of ever daily smokers compatible with the impact of the TCA was found in all socioeconomic groups except farmers. Among women the decline was roughly similar in each socioeconomic group, while among men it varied and was most pronounced among white collar employees.
The impact of the 1976 TCA was less pronounced among male lower socioeconomic groups. In spite of the even impact of the TCA on female smoking across socioeconomic groups, large socioeconomic disparities remain. Tobacco control policy measures specifically directed at lower socioeconomic groups are needed.
Since the political transition in 1991, Russia has been targeted intensively by the transnational tobacco industry. Already high smoking rates among men have increased further; traditionally low rates among women have more than doubled. The tobacco companies have so far faced little opposition as they shape the discourse on smoking in Russia. This paper asks what ordinary Russians really think about possible actions to reduce smoking.
A representative sample of the Russian population (1600 respondents) was interviewed face to face in November 2007.
Only 14% of respondents considered tobacco control in Russia adequate, while 37% thought that nothing was being done at all. There was support for prices keeping pace with or even exceeding inflation. Over 70% of all respondents favoured a ban on sales from street kiosks, while 56% believed that existing health warnings (currently 4% of front and back of packs) were inadequate. The current policy of designating a few tables in bars and restaurants as non-smoking was supported by less than 10% of respondents, while almost a third supported a total ban, with 44% supporting provision of equal space for smokers and non-smokers. Older age, non-smoking status and living in a smaller town all emerged as significantly associated with the propensity to support antismoking measures. The tobacco companies were generally viewed as behaving like most other companies in Russia, with three-quarters of respondents believing that these companies definitely or maybe bribe politicians. Knowledge of impact of smoking on health was limited with significant underestimation of dangers and addictive qualities of tobacco. A third believed that light cigarettes are safer than normal cigarettes.
The majority of the Russian population would support considerable strengthening of tobacco control policies but there is also a need for effective public education campaigns.
In recent years, controversial interventions such as 'heroin-assisted treatment' (HAT) and 'supervised injection facilities' (SIFs) have been established in attempts to minimise the high morbidity and mortality consequences of illicit drug use. This paper examines public opinion towards HAT and SIF using data from the 2003 Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH) Monitor, a representative population survey conducted among adults residing in Ontario, Canada. Data relating specifically to SIFs and HAT were isolated from the main database (n=885); agreement scores were collapsed to create a scale and analysed using independent sample t-tests and ANOVAs. Results revealed that 60 percent (n=530) of the sample agreed that SIFs should be made available to injection drug users, while 40 percent (n=355) disagreed. When asked about the provision of HAT, a similar pattern emerged. Variables significantly associated with positive opinions toward SIFs and HAT were: income; higher education; the use of cocaine or cannabis within the last 12 months; being in favour of cannabis decriminalisation; support of needle exchange in prison; view of illicit drug users as ill people; and agreement that drug users are in need of public support. Given the current political climate and the tentative position of SIFs and HAT in Canada, understanding the public's opinion is crucial for the feasibility and long-term sustainability of these interventions.