Beverage consumption by poor, lone mother-led, "milk-friendly" families living in Atlantic Canada was characterized over a one-month income cycle.
Beverage intake and food security status were assessed weekly, using a 24-hour dietary recall and the Cornell-Radimer food insecurity questionnaire. Families were classified as "milk friendly" if total consumption of milk was 720 mL on a single day during the month. Beverage intake was assessed using t-tests, analysis of variance (ANOVA), repeated measures ANOVA with post hoc comparisons, and chi-square analysis.
Milk consumption by milk-friendly families (76; total sample, 129) was highest at the time of the month when they had the most money to spend. During all time intervals, mothers consumed the least amount of milk and children aged one to three years consumed the most. Mothers consumed carbonated beverages disproportionately, while children of all ages consumed more fruit juice/drink. Mothers' coffee consumption was profoundly increased when either they or their children were hungry.
The quality of beverage intake by members of low-income households fluctuates in accordance with financial resources available to purchase foods. Mothers' beverage intake is compromised by the degree of food insecurity the family experiences.
Since 1989 the number of Canadian children depending on food banks has increased by more than 85%. To combat perceived hunger, breakfast and lunch programs have been initiated by localized volunteer efforts. This paper attempts to show the Foucauldian concepts of power, truths, space and time in action in feeding programs in Atlantic Canada. A potential 'relation of docility-utility' is imposed upon children by providers of feeding programs and ultimately the state. The 'power over life' or 'micro-physics of power' is accomplished through procedures that use food, rules, rewards, reinforcements, space, time, and truths. Children voluntarily subject themselves to this relation while reserving the power to resist through acts of defiance or by not attending at all. This ability to exercise one's agency allows for shifting power relations in the social dynamics of feeding programs. The potentially coercive nature of these relationships is embedded in the pleasurable environment generated by the feeding process.
As part of a larger study on food insecurity and dietary adequacy of low-income lone mothers and their children in Atlantic Canada, we examined diet quality among household members.
Network sampling for 'difficult to sample' populations was used to identify mothers living below the poverty line and alone with at least two children under age 14. Trained dietitians administered 24-hour dietary recalls weekly for one month to mothers on the dietary intake of themselves and their children. We calculated Healthy Eating Index category scores for eligible mothers (129) and children (303) using Canada's Food Guide to Healthy Eating and the Nutrition Recommendations for Canadians.
Diet quality of low-income lone mothers was poor (35.5%) or in need of improvement (64.5%), with no mother having a good diet. The diet quality of children varied by age, with 22.7% of children aged one to three having a good diet or needing improvement (74.6%), 2.1% of children aged four to eight and no child aged nine to 14 having a good diet, while the diets of about 85% of older children in both age categories needed improvement.
Younger children seem to be protected from poor quality diets in households with limited resources to acquire food.
Women who live in disadvantaged circumstances in Canada exhibit dietary intakes below recommended levels, but their children often do not. One reason for this difference may be that mothers modify their own food intake to spare their children nutritional deprivation. The objective of our study was to document whether or not low-income lone mothers compromise their own diets to feed their children.
We studied 141 low-income lone mothers with at least 2 children under the age of 14 years who lived in Atlantic Canada. Women were identified through community organizations using a variety of recruitment strategies. The women were asked weekly for 1 month to recall their food intake over the previous 24 hours; they also reported their children's (n = 333) food intake. Mothers also completed a questionnaire about "food insecurity," that is, a lack of access to adequate, nutritious food through socially acceptable means, during each interview.
Household food insecurity was reported by 78% of mothers during the study month. Mothers' dietary intakes and the adequacy of intake were consistently poorer than their children's intake overall and over the course of a month. The difference in adequacy of intake between mothers and children widened from Time 1, when the family had the most money to purchase food, to Time 4, when the family had the least money. The children experienced some improvement in nutritional intake at Time 3, which was possibly related to food purchases for them associated with receipt of the Child Tax Benefit Credit or the Goods and Services Tax Credit.
Our study demonstrates that low-income lone mothers compromise their own nutritional intake in order to preserve the adequacy of their children's diets.
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Comment On: CMAJ. 2003 Mar 18;168(6):709-1012642427
To examine the occurrence and predictors of hunger and food insecurity over the past year and month among low-income mother-led households in Atlantic Canada.
The Cornell-Radimer Questionnaire to Estimate the Prevalence of Hunger and Food Insecurity was administered weekly for a month, with modifications, to a community sample of 141 lone mothers who took part in a larger dietary intake study. Eligible women included those living alone with at least two children under the age of 14 years in the four Atlantic Provinces and having an annual income less than or equal to Statistics Canada's low-income cut-off.
Food insecurity over the past year occurred in 96.5% of households. Child hunger was similar to maternal hunger over the one-month study period (23%), however, it was lower than maternal hunger over the past year. On multiple logistic regression analysis, maternal hunger over the past year was predicted by maternal age over 35 years (p
Little is known about how food is managed in households where food resources are scarce. In this study, the household food management behaviours utilized by food-insecure, lone mother-led families from Atlantic Canada were characterized, and relationships among these behaviours and diet quality were examined.
Thematic analysis of 24 in-depth interviews from a larger study of mother-led, low-income families was integrated with sociodemographic characteristics, food-insecurity status, and four weekly 24-hour dietary recalls for all household members to yield a family behaviour score (FBS) as a summative measure of food management behaviours, and a healthy plate score (HPS) as a measure of diet quality.
Five distinct food management behaviours were identified: authoritative, healthism, sharing, structured, and planning behaviours. An increase in the FBS was associated with a proportional increase in the HPS. Authoritative, healthism, and planning food management behaviours were the strongest predictors of the HPS for all household members (p
Department of Community Health Sciences, Faculty of Medicine, University of Calgary, Heritage Medical Research Building Room G021, 3330 Hospital Drive NW, Calgary, Alberta, Canada, T2N 4N1. email@example.com
To determine the extent to which identified nutrient inadequacies in the dietary intakes of a sample of food-insecure women could be ameliorated by increasing their access to the 'healthy' foods they typically eat.
Merged datasets of 226 food-insecure women who provided at least three 24-hour dietary intake recalls over the course of a month. Dietary modelling, with energy adjustment for severe food insecurity, explored the effect of adding a serving of the woman's own, and the group's typically chosen, nutrient-rich foods on the estimated prevalence of nutrient inadequacy.
One study included participants residing in 22 diverse community clusters from the Atlantic Provinces of Canada, and the second study included food bank attendees in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Of the 226 participants, 78% lived alone with their children.
While nutritional vulnerability remained after modelling, adding a single serving of either typically chosen 'healthy' foods from women's own diets or healthy food choices normative to the population reduced the prevalence of inadequacy by at least half for most nutrients. Correction for energy deficits resulting from severe food insecurity contributed a mean additional 20% improvement in nutrient intakes.
Food-insecure women would sustain substantive nutritional gains if they had greater access to their personal healthy food preferences and if the dietary compromises associated with severe food insecurity were abated. Increased resources to access such choices should be a priority.
This study uses a population health intervention modeling approach to project the impact of recent legislated increases in age eligibility for Canadian federally-funded pension benefits on low income seniors' health, using food insecurity as a health indicator.
Food insecurity prevalence and income source were assessed for unattached low income (
Media advocacy is a well-established strategy for transmitting health messages to the public. This paper discusses a media advocacy intervention that raised issues about how the public interprets messages about the negative effects of poverty on population health. In conjunction with the publication of a manuscript illustrating how income-related food insecurity leads to disparities related to the consumption of a popular food product across Canada (namely, Kraft Dinner®), we launched a media intervention intended to appeal to radio, television, print and Internet journalists. All the media coverage conveyed our intended message that food insecurity is a serious population health problem, confirming that message framing, personal narratives and visual imagery are important in persuading media outlets to carry stories about poverty as a determinant of population health. Among politicians and members of the public (through on-line discussions), the coverage provoked on-message as well as off-message reactions. Population health researchers and health promotion practitioners should anticipate mixed reactions to media advocacy interventions, particularly in light of new Internet technologies. Opposition to media stories regarding the socio-economic determinants of population health can provide new insights into how we might overcome challenges in translating evidence into preventive interventions.