The development of coordinated systems for delivery of aftercare services to psychiatric patients has lagged far behind the theoretical emphasis on community maintenance. From a collaboration of 29 treatment and rehabilitation facilities, an independent agency was established to improve aftercare services in Metropolitan Toronto. Known as Community Resources Consultants, the agency was designed to facilitate and rationalize the use of existing services, to identify gaps in service, to initiate or cooperate in the development of new services, and to involve hospital and community service personnel in raising the level of expertise in the provision of aftercare. Formal and informal assessments indicate that CRC has had a positive effect on the provision of aftercare services and on professionals' level of awareness of aftercare priorities.
This paper is an overview of the conceptual and methodological problems encountered trying to assess the hypothesis that the mentally ill, as a consequence of deinstitutionalization, are being "criminalized". Generalizations are difficult to make, in large part because most of the studies are American and do not fit well into the Canadian scene. Relevant Canadian findings are reviewed and compared to the US data. There is some evidence that Canadian patients may be diverted from the criminal justice system more often than in the US, where there are fewer resources. However, this conclusion must be tempered by the fact that Canadian surveys have found high rates of mental disorder among prison and jail inmates.
There is virtually no readily accessible systematically recorded evidence on how the organization of mental health services in Europe's largest country, Russia, may differ from other national systems. This study systematically compares the mental health services in Archangelsk County and Northern Norway using instruments developed for trans-cultural use.
The European Service Mapping Schedule (ESMS) and The International Classification of Mental Health Care (ICMHC) were used to describe: (i) resources, organisation and utilisation of the services; (ii) their decentralisation and differentiation; (iii) some interventions delivered by the mental health service units (n = 132) in both regions.
The Norwegian services are more decentralised and differentiated, while the Russian services are largely hospital-based. The GPs are of considerable importance to the Norwegian services, functioning as gatekeepers-both centrally and peripherally. In contrast, the GP model is still poorly established in Archangelsk County. There are more units for long term stay in the Russian services than in Norway. General health care and taking over daily living activities are more organised in Archangelsk County, while psychopharmacological treatment and psychosocial interventions are more developed in Norway.
The study has revealed several differences in resources, organisation and utilisation of the mental health services between the two compared areas. The very large variations indicate that underlying local patterns of service delivering must be further investigated and taken into account in the planning of the services development.
To explore the experiences of psychiatric patients living in six rural communities in Norway from a primary care perspective.
A "Knowledge workshop" (KW) was designed. It was a special kind of meeting between users of services for people with mental illness and service providers. The process and outcome were documented on flipcharts and audiotape and analysed by a qualitative method.
A main statement was constructed in order to capture the essence of meaning in the 10 main themes identified in the analysis. The statement is mainly about the process and state of being reclassified as a stigmatized "other", with serious consequences for both self-esteem and public esteem. The consequences include isolation and loneliness, low self-esteem, no paid work, lack of money, discrimination, and harassment. Other consequences include altered behaviour from others, lack of necessary conditions for empowerment, and the danger of becoming visible as mentally ill. Attitudinal change is called for.
Although the stigma of mental illness is a wellknown and much discussed fact, it has so far not really been included in the professional knowledge base. It is still practically absent from discussions of quality of care. In order for services to be relevant to people who need them, professionals can no longer ignore issues that are of major importance for users. Stigma must thus be included in the conceptual thinking about serving people with mental illness. The inclusion of stigma as an issue for quality of care could be a fruitful way forward.
This paper describes the patchwork of cottage industries and human warehousing composing Montréal's 'community mental health care' system. It examines the ways in which this system's clients assemble a collage of ad hoc facilities including homeless shelters, rooming houses, food banks and soup kitchens through which they pursue the fragmented task of daily survival. In their various forms of transit around the city, released psychiatric patients, who rotate in and out of the local psychiatric wards, construe the grammar of urban space. In examining their use of key city sites - malls, fast food outlets, churches and the streets - it becomes apparent that the 'mad' have a particular relationship to these places which they pass through and use on certain terms. Examining the nature of their journeys, the scenes on which they are set and the social relationships of space in play, it is evident that the 'mad' have a particular (dialogical) relationship to the city: a relationship which they share with other, multiply disenfranchised people. This raises significant social questions concerning the politics of city space, and the kinds of fragmented lives and forms of subjectivity that they produce.